There’s Something in the Water

Summary, part 4

Case studies of environmental inequalities

WHITE PRIVILEGE

The decisions on where to locate waste facilities involved complex interactions among various stakeholders (such as governments, legal actors, commercial actors, etc.) were ultimately made to protect white people’s social well-being and health and the economic elite.  

“Possessive investment in whiteness” - there is a cash value advantage to being white as you are more likely to profit from housing in discriminatory markets, get a better education, a better job, and so much more. This is a significant contributor to racial hierarchies. In the Nova Scotian case, white industry owners engage in activities without considering how they might affect the community. For example, they are typically granted all the permits they might need, and if they don’t get them, they can still get away with activities that Indigenous and Black community members would not get away with.

ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES

As we have established in this guide, Indigenous communities are more likely than other communities to be near pollution industries. This is partly due to their remote locations and unique jurisdictional status, which has led to a failure from the government to address environmental issues within those communities.

Contextually, this is a continuation of long-standing forms of oppression and abuses from colonialism and state-sanctioned assimilation (p. 91). The government has a legal obligation to address environmental protection issues under the Indian Act, but they have done little if nothing.

How environmental racism shows in indigenous communities:

• Repealing treaties and land rights;

• Devaluing resource management efforts,

• Poor water quality

• Water contamination from polluting factors (p. 91).

INDIGENOUS CASE STUDIES

Elsipogtog First Nation

Fracking was introduced to New Brunswick in 2009. The Elsipogtog First Nation was worried about the impact of fracking on the water and wildlife in their traditional lands. In addition to that, they were also concerns about: 

• Lack of evidence of local economic benefit,

• Lack of monitoring and regulation,

• long term fiscal burden of stress on infrastructure and healthcare system,

• Losses in the tourism industry,

• Loss of property value, and

• And the denial of climate change by the oil drillers.

In response, the community built a coalition. The coalition held a protest, and over 40 protesters were arrested. However, fracking continues, and the non-violent Anti-Fracking movements are still fighting for clean water. (Visit this site for more information.)

Kashechewan First Nation

This First Nation near James Bay, Ontario, was exposed to toxic E. coli bacteria in their water supply. This forced the government to evacuate nearly 1 thousand community members. A boil water advisory lasted two years. Between the combination of malfunctioning safety alarms, funding shortages, water sampling deficiencies, a broken water treatment plant, and the community being situated on a flood plain, negative effects began to emerge. These effects included rashes, severe infections in children, and several other health problems. The federal government failed (and still has yet to) to take responsibility despite its obligation to the community under the Indian Act.

Aamjiwnaang First Nation

Near Sarnia’s “Chemical Valley,” there were concerns about air pollution from industrial facilities in the area such as oil refineries, power generating stations, and landfills. Between 1974-1986, there were thirty-two major oil and chemical spills and 300 minor ones. These spills led to ten tons of pollutants to the St. Clair River, which flows through Chemical Valley.

Today, Aamjiwnaang carries Ontario’s highest air pollution load. You can see the effects of this through the health of the residents: high rates of eye and skin irritation, central nervous system disorders, digestive issues, high blood pressure, anemia, chronic severe headaches, and respiratory problems. In addition to the physical health effects, there are also fewer locally grown foods due to the conditions. The government blames the “lifestyle” of the Aamjiwnaang people for the adverse side effects they experience (p. 103).

AFRICAN CASE STUDIES

Africville

Africville is located north of Halifax on the Bedford Basin shore and was first settled in the mid-1800s by Black refugees fleeing the War of 1812. Historically, the city of Halifax collected taxes from Africville but did not provide the community with essential utilities and infrastructure offered to other parts of the city (e.g., paved roads, clean water, sewage, public transportation, garbage collection, fire protection, street lights, recreational facilities, or police protection) (p. 105).

Africville has been used as an industrial development since 1912. It was officially rezoned as industrial land in 1947. The rezoning led to bulldozing and forced displacement. In protest of the demolition, one resident, Eddie Carvery, returned and pitched a tent in 1970. He still lives there today. Read about Mr. Carvery’s story here.

Since the area’s destruction, former Africville residents reached a multi-million dollar settlement in 2010 with the City. The settlement included an apology, a hectare of land on the site to rebuild the Seaview African Baptist Church and $3 million to help build it (p. 105). More recently, African Nova Scotian Affairs was built and former Africville residents and descendants joined a class-action lawsuit against the City for their lost land in 2016.

Lincolnville

Lincolnville is a small rural town in northeast Nova Scotia settled by Black Canadians in 1784 who were forced inland by the white population. In 1974, a first-generation landfill was opened a kilometer away from the community. Then, about 30 years later, out of a need to decrease spending and generate tax revenues, the county closed the first landfill in 2006. The county quickly opened a second-generation landfill (one with a liner designed to prevent runoff) which accepts waste from a much larger area.

In the second-generation landfill, hazardous items such as transformers and oil refuse were being dumped which has created traces of carcinogens throughout Lincolnville. Proponents of the landfill used intimidation tactics during the siting of the project. Upper Sackville, a mostly white, low-income community, faced similar issues with a landfill close to home. Here are their experiences in comparison with Lincolnville’s.