Summary, part 1

Chapter One — Intersectional Theory, Feminism + Intersectional Environmentalism

In this chapter, Thomas breaks down the history of the feminist movement, intersectionality, ecofeminism, and intersectional environmentalism. She begins by stating that intersectionality as a concept stems from the thoughts, experiences, and emotional labor of Black women. She also acknowledges that the term intersectionality was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw’s dual experience as a Black woman.

Division in the Feminist Movement

The women’s rights movement did not originally take into account the experiences of Black women, even second-wave feminism and its broader definition of equality. The goals of the women’s rights movement were goals for equality, but they were not goals for equality for all. Instead, the women’s rights movement argued that there is a universal women’s experience, which there is not.

What is Misogynoir?

Coined by Moya Bailey, misogynoir refers to the specific kind of misogyny Black women face. It examines how race intersects with and compounds the impact of sexism and misogyny. Some early feminists made Black women choose between their identities because their other identities “weren’t related, they didn’t care, or they thought the inclusion of anti-racism or anti-homophobia would ‘complicate’ the matter for white feminists” (p. 19). Learn more about misogynoir here.

The Combahee River Collective

The Combahee River Collective, which was active from 1974 to 1980, was founded by Barbara and Beverly Smith, Audre Lorde, Demita Frazier, Cheryl Clarke, Akasha Hull, Margo Okazawa-Rey, Chirlane McCray, and other Black feminist revolutionaries who were “tired of taking a back seat in their own liberation struggle” (p. 20). Their goal was to “combat capitalism, racism, homophobia, sexism, and more” (p. 21). They believed that any oppressed group has the right to take up space and advocate for all aspects of their identity. Additionally, they believed that “oppressed people should be able to define their own political ideologies and organizations and advocate for their specific interests without silencing themselves” (p. 21). The Combahee River Collective coined the term “identity politics,” which has since been misused but refers to the idea that oppressed people should have “the right to advocate for their own self-interests and liberation” (p. 21).

Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and Intersectional Feminism

Intersectionality was a term coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989 in her article Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex, which you can read more about here. Crenshaw also helped create critical race theory, which is a theory that examines how race and identity intersect with power structures. There are two recurring arguments to critical race theory:

1. “Racist notions of white superiority have resulted in systemic inequality, and the legal system upholds this system of power” (p. 25)

2. “We can transform the relationship between racism and power” (p. 25)

Ecofeminism

The exploration of the feminine connection is centuries old. Ecofeminism, a term coined by Ynestra King, is “a philosophy and a movement that exposes the dual oppressions of women and the environment as rooted in patriarchal structures” (p. 29). Under ecofeminism, the treatment of women is indicative of the treatment of the planet (and vice versa) because we live in a capitalist and patriarchal society. There are two branches to ecofeminism. Cultural ecofeminism is concerned with gender roles, biology, spirituality, and religion as a basis for their belief that women are strongly connected with the earth. Radical ecofeminism is not concerned with gender roles, but rather dismantling the patriarchy and the idea that women and the earth are commodities. 

Intersectional Environmentalism

Intersectional environmentalism is “an inclusive approach to environmentalist that advocates for the protection of both people and the planet” (p. 31). Intersectional environmentalism argues that “social and environmental justice are intertwined and that environmental advocacy that disregards this connection is harmful and incomplete” (p. 31). Intersectional environmentalism creates a space for all marginalized groups to be a more inclusive movement.

Chapter Two — Environmental Justice: A Wider Lens

“Intersectional environmentalism is the lens. Environmental justice is the goal”

—Diandra Marizet, sustainability advocate and cofounder of Intersectional Environmentalist

Thomas begins this chapter by stating that the presence of people of color has been left out in the teaching of environmental history and education. They might not have been present at the first Earth Day, but that doesn’t mean they weren’t doing important things. 

Environmental Justice, the Movement, and Practice

Regarding environmental justice, Thomas uses the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s definition of environmental justice, which is “the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income, with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies” (p. 38).

The term began to emerge in the 1980s after the civil rights and Earth Day movements from Hazel M. Johnson and Dr. Robert Bullard.

Hazel M. Johnson

Johnson is a Black environmental activist from the South Side of Chicago whose husband passed away from lung cancer at 41-years-old. She learned shortly after that several others in her community of Altgeld Gardens died from lung cancer as well. She also learned from the news that her community had the highest rates of cancer in all of Chicago, so she began asking why. In her investigations, she found that Altgeld Gardens “bore a tremendously disproportionate environmental hazard burden” (p. 39). For example, ⅓ of a square mile had 50 landfills, hundreds of toxic waste sites, 250 leaking underground storage tanks, and was surrounded by a toxic doughnut. Johnson fought for legislators and community members to recognize the racism at play. She founded the organization People for Community Recovery and became a leading voice in the creation of the seventeen Principles of Environmental Justice, which you can read here. Johnson and her contributions have largely been left out of most environmental textbooks.

Dr. Robert Bullard

Bullard’s wife, attorney Linda McKeever Bullard, was working on a landfill placement case where a landfill was going to be placed in a middle-class community that was 82% Black. Bullard did a study where he found that “race had been a driving factor in the location of toxic waste sites” (p. 45) and served as an expert witness at the trial. He then went on to publish the seminal book Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality.

The Environmental + Environmental Justice Movements

In this section, Thomas recounts the history of the environmental and environmental justice movements. In the 1960s, civil rights leaders advocated for an end to racial segregation and discrimination, as well as awareness about environmental and public health concerns. In 1968, Black sanitation workers in Memphis, TN protested dangerous working conditions and lack of adequate pay.

Also in 1968, the assassination of MLK Jr. set back environmental justice movements since civil rights activists had just begun to speak up about environmental injustices.“As many civil rights activists and Black citizens grieved,” Thomas writes, “a largely white environmental movement began to sweep the United States. These environmentalists took note of the tactics used by civil rights protesters, like sit-ins and marches” (p. 50).

In 1969, Ohio’s Cuyahoga River engulfed into flames from flammable oil, gas, and toxic waste and millions took to the streets. Shortly after on April 22, 1970, Earth Day happened. At Earth Day, a movement of 20 million Americans, largely led and attended by white people, called on the government to improve environmental policy. According to Arturo Sandoval, Earth Day created long-term issues because environmentalists thought they could succeed without people of color and that upper-middle-class citizens were enough to get the job done. The successes of Earth Day, which include the creation of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the passage of the Clean Air Act, and the passage of the Clean Water Act, did not protect all Americans equally.

In 1976, the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act was passed, which created guidelines for the disposal and management of toxic waste. But, this wasn’t the case for Warren County, NC. Warren County did not meet guidelines for waste disposal sites but was selected anyway. Black activists protested in several public demonstrations and sit-ins and 500 demonstrators and activists were arrested, but construction continued. The U.S. Government Accountability Office was tasked with investigating and they found that ¾ primary toxic landfill sites were in Black communities and 26% live below the poverty line. In response to these findings, several environmental justice organizations were formed. In 2019,  “race is still the number one indicator of where toxic waste facilities are located in the U.S.” (p. 54).

Thomas concludes by stating that we can reflect upon and learn from history. She adds that history often repeats itself, and we are seeing that now with the convergence of racial justice movements (e.g., Black Lives Matter, LANDBACK, and Stop Asian Hate) and climate movements (Youth Strike for Climate, Dakota Access Pipeline protests, and Mauna Kea protests). For environmental justice to be achieved, these movements should not be kept separate.